Looking for a last minute gift for an educator in your life? Let me suggest the following.
Reign of Error: The Hoax of the Privatization Movement and the Danger to America's Public Schools, by Diane Ravitch. The one book that all people who care about public education must read now. You can find my review of the book here.
Test and Punish: How the Texas Education Model Gave America Accountability without Equity,by John Kuhn. An indispensable history of how the test driven education reform movement in Texas became the model for the nation through No Child Left Behind. You can find my review of the book here.
Whose Knowledge Counts in Government Literacy Policies: Why Expertise Matters, by Kenneth S. Goodman. Robert C. Calfee, and Yetta M. Goodman. A collection of essays by the leading literacy experts in the world discussing the lack of respect for knowledge among education policy makers. I discuss some of the essays from the book here and here.
Notice and Note: Strategies for Close Reading, by Kylene Beers and Robert Probst. Informed and practical advice to teachers from two long-time experts in the literacy field. The authors take a look at close reading from an entirely different lens than the Common Core proponents. I discuss some elements of the book in this post.
Happy reading and happy holidays.
Discussing sound literacy instruction, supporting teachers and defending public education
Showing posts with label Book Review. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Book Review. Show all posts
Friday, December 20, 2013
Friday, November 8, 2013
Test and Punish, by John Kuhn Reviewed: An American Horror Story
Kuhn, J. (2013) Test and Punish: How the Texas Education
Model Gave America Accountability without Equity. Austin, TX. Park Place
Publications
John Kuhn has a story tell. It is a horror story worthy of
Stephen King made even more horrible because it is true. It is the story of how
Texas released the “test and punish” monster on public education and how, like
a 1950’s science fiction movie, that monster came to threaten the entire
country.
Kuhn is particularly well-qualified to tell this story. He
is the ultimate participant observer, having served as a public school
administrator in Texas and then becoming a vocal advocate for public education
when politicians in Texas combined huge spending cuts with a draconian school
accountability scheme. He has been a leader of the Save Texas Schools movement
and the speech he gave at that organization’s July, 2011 rally (included in
this volume) went viral on Youtube.
To tell his story, Kuhn takes us all the way back to 1968,
when citizens in one of the financially strapped school districts in San
Antonio, Texas, noting the great resources available to a school district just
outside of town, sued the State for equitable funding. The fault, of course,
lay in the State’s dependence on property taxes, which disproportionately
favored wealthier neighborhoods. That suit unleashed a decades long battle
between the advocates of equity and the powerful wealthy business people and
parents who wished to maintain the inequitable status quo. Guess who won?
It is not, however, the fact that the moneyed interests won
that is so important, but how they won. The plaintiffs in the original suit
actually won their case, but through a long series of appeals and new lawsuits,
the forces for equity won a few battles, but they lost the war. How? The
politically influential citizens of Texas hit on a winning strategy: they
convinced the people of Texas that funding inequity and poor student achievement
outcomes were unrelated. Poor outcomes had nothing to do with money, but were
instead “the simple result of bad classroom instruction” (location 239). The
convoluted way that this all came to be is the heart of the book and it is
quite a tale. Suffice it to say that some of the names involved have come to
haunt all friends of public education throughout the country. It is a dishonor
roll of conservative politics and reform education mis-leaders: George W. Bush,
Rod Paige, Margaret Spellings, Sandy Kress, Ross Perot, John Cornyn and The
Pearson Corporation among others.
Cornyn got the ball rolling when the now U.S. Senator, then
a justice on the Texas Supreme Court, in a dissent from the majority, suggested
that equity in education was not about equitable distribution of funds only,
but about educational “efficiency”, which he defined as measurable results of
educational quality. Perot moved the ball down the field, when, as the leader
of the Select Committee on Public Education, he declared that the schools were
not producing enough quality graduates.
That brings us to Sandy Kress who carried the ball over the
goal line with a “single minded obsession on standardized test-based
accountability.” Working in collusion with his powerful friends in the business
community, Kress, in his position as a member of the Dallas Independent School
District’s Commission for Educational Excellence, pushed for test based
accountability and a system of rewards and punishments for schools, teachers
and administrators. If schools did well, there would be rewards, praise and
cash prizes. If the scores fell there were punishments such as being labeled
“failing schools” and facing the firings of teachers and principals or school
closures. Sound familiar?
When Kress moved up to the State Department of Education,
the model he began in Dallas was expanded to the entire state of Texas.
Eventually, Kress, nominally a Democrat, became new Governor Bush’s education
advisor. While Kress was bending Bush’s ear, he was also receiving lucrative
consulting fees from Pearson, the company that would come to dominate the Texas
testing juggernaut to the tune of 500 million dollars. Test based
accountability aligned perfectly with the financial interests of Pearson and
that company’s extreme lobbying efforts resulted in Texas testing everything
but the armadillos crossing the road on a West Texas highway.
The rest of the story is familiar to most of us. Bush moved
from Texas to Washington, D.C. after the Supreme Court ruled him the winner of
the 2000 election. Along with Bush came that Houston miracle man himself, Rod
Paige, as Secretary of Education. Kuhn devotes a chapter to Paige, called The
Houston Mirage, that is a cautionary tale for anyone buying into public school
miracle talk. When the news of Paige’s improprieties in manipulating numbers in
Houston became too much for him to continue, Bush replaced him with another
Texas test and punish advocate, Margaret Spellings. Along the way, in 2002, we
got the Texas model of test and punish for the entire nation, No Child Left
Behind. Despite the hopes of public education advocates, President Obama and
his Secretary of Education have doubled down on test and punish in the form of
Race to the Top.
And so, Kuhn shows us, as Texas goes so goes public
education in America. Let us hope that this continues to be true for a bit longer, because
Kuhn’s book ends on a hopeful note. Parent groups, horrified by the amount of
testing their children were being subjected to, have been successfully
challenging the test and punish brigade. Politicians, responding to pressure
from constituents, began to listen. Wendy Davis, State Senator from Ft. Worth
and recent popular feminist hero, called the student assessment system “a
colossal failure.” Pearson and its lobbyists came under fire. The number of
tests was reduced. Kuhn feels that thanks to the pressure of parent and
educator groups, politicians “finally came to understand that education reform
was not synonymous with zealotry and over testing” (location 2047).
The book is compelling and informative. I have only two
minor quibbles. First, it may have been helpful for the lay person, if Kuhn had
clearly defined what he meant by the
“punish” of the title (labeling schools, closing schools, firing staff,
even just creating the impression that educators were not doing their jobs).
Second, the chapter on Diane Ravitch is interesting, as reading about a true
public education hero, Kuhn quotes another writer who calls her “our necessary contrarian”, should be and
she is also from Texas, but for me, the chapter detracted some from the
narrative flow and focus of the book.
As I said, these quibbles are minor. The book is a must read
for all public school advocates. As we all came to understand in school, if we
don’t learn our history we are doomed to repeat it. John Kuhn presents a
history we would be loath to repeat. If I don’t quite share his optimism at
this point, perhaps that is only because I don’t live and work in Texas on the
front lines as John does.
One more thing, don’t fail to read the appendices – John’s
“Alamo Letter” and his speech to the Save Our Schools rally. They left me in
tears of pain and of joy. They are worth the price of the book alone.
Monday, October 7, 2013
Reign of Error by Diane Ravitch: A Fairy Tale Review
What if Chicken Little had 70 billion dollars? Would his comical
error in believing the sky is falling have been dismissed so quickly? Would the
acorn of truth have been discovered and Chicken Little disgraced? Instead of
making Chicken Little the laughingstock of the barnyard, would we instead be
drawing up plans for “sky proof” shelters and evaluating them with standardized
quality control measures all financed by Chicken Little’s largesse? Perhaps
Chicken Little would decide that the public barn on the farm was substandard
and he would contract out to have charter barns built. Perhaps he would finance
a project to bring Common Corn to the barnyard feed, so that chickens in
Mississippi would be fed the same stuff as those in Wisconsin. Perhaps Chicken
Little would be lionized in the media as the great fowl hope for the future of
barnyards everywhere.
In Reign of Error: The
Hoax of the Privatization Movement and the Danger to America’s Public Schools,
Diane Ravitch, highly respected author, professor and former Assistant
Secretary of Education, has discovered the acorn in the so called education
reformers’ barnyard. What is the truth?
1. Our
schools are not failing.
2. Test
scores are higher than ever.
3. Genuine
progress has been made in narrowing achievement gaps.
4. High
school dropout rates are at an all-time low.
5. Poverty
is not an excuse for ineffective teaching; poverty is highly correlated to low achievement.
6. Test
scores are not the best way to determine teacher effectiveness.
7. Merit
pay has never improved achievement.
8. There
is no evidence that schools will improve if tenure and seniority are abolished.
9. Teach
for America which began as a noble experiment has lost its way and is now a
tool for the corporate reformers.
10. Charter
schools run the gamut from excellent to mediocre to awful and are no more
innovative or successful than public schools.
11. Virtual schools
are a poor substitute for real teachers and real schools.
12. Vouchers
are a major step toward privatization and most Americans do not favor them.
13. Firing
teachers and principals and closing schools will not improve learning.
Ravitch backs up each of these assertions with the kind of
strong narrative story telling one would expect from America’s premiere
education historian. But she also provides a wealth of charts and graphs that
demonstrate each of the points she makes. It is in this hard data that the
acorn of truth is to be found. The data make a compelling argument that the
American public has been sold a bill of goods by the reformers.
And why has this bill of goods been so easy to sell? First
of all, there is the incredible amount of money that has been invested by Bill
Gates, Eli Broad, the Walmart Family and others. Second of all, powerful
politicians like George W. Bush, Barack Obama, Secretary of Education Arne
Duncan, Louisiana Governor Bobby Jindal are vocal, in power, and on board with
the reform rhetoric. There is no loyal opposition here, the Democrats have
basically adopted the Republican plan and doubled down on it. Finally, the
reformers have a seductive message: the schools are failing and we know how to
fix them.
Ravitch sees the reform movement as a privatization movement.
Charter schools like to say they are public schools, but many are run by for
profit companies. When challenged to provide the kinds of data required of any
public school, they refuse on the basis that they are not public. Many have
harsh discipline policies that would never fly in public schools. Apparently
they are only public when feeding at the public trough. Vouchers have lead in
Louisiana to the growth of many fly by night schools looking to turn an easy
profit by attracting desperate parents with promises they can’t keep. Charters,
vouchers and the entire reform movement is seen by Ravitch as an existential
threat to one of the most bedrock of all American institutions – public education.
Ravitch does not believe that our schools are failing, but she
does not believe that all is well either. She sees the reformers denial of
poverty as a major factor in low achievement as absurd. Without dealing with
poverty and improving the conditions by which poor children arrive at school, we
will never be able to achieve our social contract with American children. Her
specific recommendations are as follows:
1. Provide
good pre-natal care for every pregnant woman.
2. Make
high quality early childhood education available to all children.
3. Ensure
a full balanced and rich curriculum, which includes the arts, science, history, literature, civics, geography, world languages, mathematics and physical
education for all children.
4. Reduce
class sizes, particularly in schools with large numbers of struggling children.
5. Ban
for-profit charters and charter chains and ensure charter schools work
collaboratively with public schools.
6. Provide
the medical and social services that poor children need.
7. Eliminate
high stakes standardized testing and rely instead on assessments that allow
students to show what they know and are able to do.
8. Insist
that teachers, principals, and superintendents are professional educators. Work
to attract capable students to the profession and provide them with a rigorous
training program.
9. Protect
democratic control of the public schools through elected local school boards.
10. Devise
strategies to reduce racial segregation and poverty.
Will implementing these strategies be easy? Of course not.
Will implementing these strategies cost money? Certainly. If we don’t find the
will to do these things that might actually make a difference in students’ lives;
however, then we are abandoning them to the drudgery of a test driven business
model of education that will raid the public coffers for money and leave every
child behind.
Buy the book. Read it. Get angry. And then get busy
spreading the word that Chicken Little has gotten it wrong again.
Reign of Error: The Hoax of the Privatization Movement and the Danger to America’s Public Schools, by Diane Ravitch. New York: Alfred A.Knopf.
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